Author: Martin Haspelmath
In the following interview, Annemarie Verkerk and Russell Gray answer Martin Haspelmath’s questions about their paper “Enduring constraints on grammar revealed by Bayesian spatiophylogenetic analyses” (Verkerk et al. 2025) Martin: Congratulations on this new paper on grammatical universals based on the Grambank data! My first question is whether you were…
Witnessing the birth of “Cognitive Linguistics” 37 years ago
In early April 1989, the international “Cognitive Linguistics” movement was born. Probably not everyone knows that it has a precise birthday, so let me recount the event here from my own perspective – because, amazingly, I was an eyewitness as a student. And I interviewed the famous George Lakoff, together…
Is inflectional syncretism ever “systematic”? Some comments on Caha (2019)
Since Plank (1991), syncretic patterns in inflectional paradigms have been studied in a sustained way, fuelled also by the increasing popularity of Distributed Morphology (e.g. Siddiqi 2019) and nanosyntax (Caha 2009; Baunaz et al. 2018). Consider a German inflectional paradigm such as the following: Many linguists would say that the…
On numeratives (or: Why “numeral classifiers” are not kinds of “classifiers”)
“Classifiers” are fascinating and have often been discussed, especially for Asian languages, but also for languages of Mesoamerica and South America and elsewhere. But what exactly is a “classifier”? I have long wondered about this, and recently I published a paper on numeratives. Why don’t I call them “numeral classifiers”?…
What is a “copula”, and what is “predicative inflection”? Further comments on Creissels et al. (2026)
One important concept in all discussions of nonverbal clause constructions (or “non-verbal predication”) is the term “copula” – but what exactly is a copula? Here I continue the discussion of Creissels et al. (2016) (following an earlier blogpost), who distinguish between four strategies (“formal types”) of “predicative marking” in such…
When is “adjectival predication“ non-verbal? Some comments on Creissels et al. (2026)
This autumn, De Gruyter’s “Comparative Handbooks of Linguistics” was enriched by another voluminous work: “Non-verbal predication in the world’s languages”, in two volumes with over 1200 pages, edited by Pier Marco Bertinetto, Luca Ciucci, and Denis Creissels. I was particularly interested in this volume because I wrote a paper on…
Is partial templaticity a possible process?
[A guest post by Noam Faust] This post is written with the goal of finding patterns that are predicted by formal analyses, but possibly do not exist. If they really do not exist, one might ask why. The issue is important to me in light of an upcoming invitation to…
“Irrealis is real“, but what are the predictions?
Semantic typology is based on semantic comparative concepts (or comparison meanings, as I have come to call them), and these concepts usually have labels that come from a particular language. Thus, the Concepticon, a systematic list of 3971 comparison meanings for word comparison, uses English labels for its comparative concepts.…
Against (lexical-)categorial typology: Why school grammars are basically right
Syntax textbooks often emphasize that word classes must be identified by grammatical tests, rather than by their meanings – in contrast to traditional school grammars and basic pedagogical texts, which often still say, for example, that “Nouns are a part of speech that indicate people, places, things, or ideas“. Here…
Distributed Morphology is right: There is no “lexicon”
The terms lexicon and lexical have a range of different meanings in linguistics, and I have been wondering whether they could perhaps be replaced by something better. Thus, in the spirit of my 2006 paper against markedness, I now distinguish four senses of the traditional term “lexical (item)” (in a…
The unsolved non-uniqueness problem and the dilemma of theoretical p-linguistics
Structural analyses of grammatical patterns are often non-unique, as was classically observed by Chao (1934): Different analyses often work equally well, to all appearances. This would not be a problem if linguists did not typically work with the background assumption that there is only one true analysis, which will lead…
Three key notions of linguistics: Lexemes, inflection, and derivation
My paper on inflection and derivation as traditional comparative concepts has just been published (in Linguistics, in open access, 2024). What made me revisit this old question? (which had occupied me back in 1996, and of course in my 2002 morphology textbook, Chapter 4) Linguists have many technical terms that they rely on in their everyday work,…
Three key notions of linguistics: Lexemes, inflection, and derivation
My paper on inflection and derivation as traditional comparative concepts has just been published (in Linguistics, in open access, 2024). What made me revisit this old question? (which had occupied me back in 1996, and of course in my 2002 morphology textbook, Chapter 4) Linguists have many technical terms that…
Are verbal person markers primarily shaped by cyclic grammaticalization? Recent work by Seržant gives a new answer
Almost as well-known as Jespersen’s Cycle is “Givón’s Cycle”, the change from independent personal pronoun to grammatical person marker (= person index) to zero, with subsequent renewal: Givon’s Cycle (so dubbed by Seržant 2021): independent personal pronoun > subject index > zero > [renewal…] Givón’s (1976) article is one of…
Are clitics intermediate between lexemes and affixes in grammaticalization?
It is a widespread stereotype that cliticization is an intermediate stage between free lexeme and affix status, and many overview texts and textbooks present a scale such as the following: content item > grammatical word > clitic > inflectional affix (> Ø) For example, Spencer & Luís (2012: §2.1) say…
Are clitics intermediate between lexemes and affixes in grammaticalization?
It is a widespread stereotype that cliticization is an intermediate stage between free lexeme and affix status, and many overview texts and textbooks present a scale such as the following: content item > grammatical word > clitic > inflectional affix (> Ø) For example, Spencer & Luís (2012: §2.1) say…